Economic imbalance, not race, is still a major issue in Malaysia political landscape!

1. Seorang pengerusi badan Kerajaan berkata pembangunan negara ini akan tergendala selagi ada usaha mengaitkan bangsa dengan bisnes.2. Kita akui yang pengerusi berkenaan mempunyai kebolehan tertentu yang menyebabkan ia dilantik oleh Kerajaan sebagai pengerusi, tetapi orang lain tidak mempunyai sifat tertentu dan masih perlu diberi pertimbangan dalam perniagaan dan lain-lain berasas kepada bangsa mereka.3. Benarkah pengambilan kira bangsa dalam perniagaan di Malaysia melalui dasar DEB menghalang pertumbuhan ekonominya? Dunia mengakui bahawa Malaysia yang berbilang kaum ini lebih cepat dan tinggi tahap pembangunannya dari negara-negara membangun yang lain yang tidak mempunyai masalah bangsa untuk diambilkira.

4. Memang mungkin jika masalah kaum tidak menghantui Malaysia pertumbuhannya menjadi lebih pesat. Tetapi apabila agihan kekayaan begitu luas di antara kaum, besar kemungkinan permusuhan akan berlaku antara kaum yang miskin dengan kaum yang kaya.

5. Permusuhan ini sudah tentu akan menyebabkan ketegangan dalam masyarakat dan menjadikan negara tidak stabil dan terdedah kepada huru hara dan rusuhan.

6. Keadaan seperti ini akan menghalang pelaburan, dagangan dan perusahaan. Dalam iklim seperti ini ekonomi tidak mungkin tumbuh dengan baik. Pembangunan akan terjejas.

7. Yang jelas ialah mengenepikan masalah bangsa dalam negara berbilang kaum, tidak juga menjamin kepesatan pembangunan.

8. Kata pepatah Melayu, telan mati pak, luah mati emak.

9. Namun adalah lebih baik pembangunan terlewat sedikit daripada kehancuran akibat rusuhan. – Tun Dr Mahathir

Dr M: Scrapping race-based policies will lead to chaos

By Clara Chooi

KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 26 — It is better to slow down development than to scrap race-based policies and risk ethnic clashes in the country, Tun Dr Mahathir has said.

The former prime minister, in making the case for the continuation of such policies, wrote in a blog posting here that taking away racial consideration when doing business would not necessarily guarantee development.

He asked if racial considerations in the controversial New Economic Policy (NEP) had truly posed a hindrance to the country’s economic growth.

“The world has admitted that multiracial Malaysia grew faster than other developing nations that did not have the problem of race to consider,” he said.

The NEP, put in place in 1971, officially ended in 1990, but many of its programmes are still being continued.

Datuk Seri Najib Razak has said he plans to remove subsidies and many Bumiputera quotas under economic reforms, but the prime minister’s efforts have received notable opposition from Malay rights groups.

Chief among Najib’s detractors appear to be Dr Mahathir himself, who has repeatedly argued for the continuation of race-based policies under the NEP, warning there would be an escalation in ethnic tension and division if they were to be dismantled.

Writing once in an earlier blog posting in 2010, Dr Mahathir had said: “I may be labelled a racist but fear of the label will not stop me from working for what I think is good for the country.

“Nothing will be gained by dividing the people of Malaysia into poor Bumis and rich non-Bumis. The time is not right for disregarding the disparities between the races in the interest of equity and merit.”

The country’s longest-serving former prime minister, who still wields influence in the ruling Umno, continued to stress this point in his latest posting.

“It is true that if the problem of race does not haunt Malaysia, development would speed up.

“But when the distribution of wealth is so wide between the races, there is a large possibility hostilities would occur between the rich and the poor,” he said.

Such hostilities, added Dr Mahathir, would later ensue in tension within the community and lead to chaos and rioting.

This in turn, he said, would frighten away investors and businesses, further stunting the country’s economic growth.

“Therefore, it is better that development is slowed slightly than destruction to occur because of such rioting,” he said. - The Malaysian Insider

Open letter to Dr M — Mohd Ikhram Merican

JAN 30 — Dear Tun Dr M,

January 30, 2012

Many years ago, in 1986 or ‘87, I can’t remember the exact year, I had the pleasure of meeting you in a private family dinner. You were the guest of honour and I was a very young boy, excited to be in the vicinity of your towering presence. I had many things I wanted to say to you and when I walked up to where you were seated I could only manage one rhetorical question.

You were very kind. Although in the midst of conversation with my uncles, you stopped and gave me, a little boy, a few minutes of your time. I spoke to the prime minister. It was my two minutes of fame.

For the better part of my life you have been the prime minister of Malaysia. In all those years, I saw you as the best prime minister Malaysia has ever had. Sadly, I’m not so sure anymore. I don’t despise you or loathe you but I question your rationale for a good many things. There are so many issues that I would like to raise with you. It is near impossible to cover everything here but let me start with your latest blog post titled “Kaitan Bangsa Dengan Bisnes”. The Malaysian Insider reported this with the headline, “Dr M: Scrapping race-based policies will lead to chaos.”

I find it hard to believe that scrapping race-based policies will lead to chaos. The status quo is more detrimental to the country in the long run. The existing race-based policies have done little to improve the plight of the Malays. In fact it has created a class divide between the Malay haves and have-nots. This WILL split the Malays because severe class inequalities have caused revolutions, even in singular nations.

You believe not everyone has equal capabilities and some people must be given special consideration in business and other areas based on their race. This is an argument that neither makes sense nor justifies special considerations. Let me elaborate. Would you allow an aspiring surgeon to become one via special considerations, even if he is inherently bad at it? And would you trust your life under the knife with this person? This is what you propose.

Allow me to provide a further example. UiTM was founded in 1956 (as Dewan Latihan Rida) to facilitate the creation of Bumiputera professionals. Fifty-six years later, it ranks among the last in the QS World University Rankings. While it is the largest university in Malaysia, and has admittedly created many graduates, it has done little to create world-class professionals.

The IITs of India were created with similar ideals to UiTM. The first IIT was conceived in 1950, a mere six years before UiTM. In the same QS World University Rankings, IIT Delhi ranks in the top 200. The IITs are internationally recognised for engineering and technology with entrance exams that are so tough, candidates use Ivy League universities as a fall back in case they don’t make the cut. Bill Gates has been quoted as saying: “And it’s hard to think of anything like IIT anywhere in the world. It is a very unique institution.”

This happens when you pursue meritocracy.

In your blog post you ask if it is true that race consideration in business vis-a-vis the NEP has stifled economic growth. My answer is, yes it has. The NEP’s original intention was noble but it has become a tool to justify and facilitate nepotism, cronyism and, contrary to its original purpose, inequality. The nation’s resources have been unscrupulously plundered to benefit cronies NOT the common man, be he Bumiputera or not. Yes, we’ve had a good run under your stewardship but our fundamentals have been hindering us from the type of progress that Singapore enjoys. In short, a system that does not promote and reward performance is inherently flawed. If you need proof, look at Malaysia Airlines.

I quote the book “Winning in Asia” by Peter J. Williamson (Harvard Business Press):

“Those Bumiputera companies with a continued reliance on preferential treatment and local connections and without a broader set of competitive advantages have been unable to successfully expand internationally. To grow, they have therefore diversified across industries within their home country, often resulting in a loss of focus and an inability to build deep operational competence in particular businesses.”

And so again, yes, the NEP has stifled economic growth.

You say that when the distribution of wealth is disparate between the races, there is a high probability of enmity between the poorer and richer races. After 40 years of implementation, and devoid of significant success, don’t you think there is a serious problem with the NEP as a tool to bridge the economic gap? Furthermore, the Malays, Chinese, and Indians have not been at each other’s throats during this period. In fact, it is the ruling coalition that regularly stokes racial fire. The race card has been played to the hilt and it is now a misnomer for economic and social stability. I wish you had more faith in us and our ability to co-exist.

Progress is hindered by fear. It is the fear of change, fear of each other, fear of betrayal, fear of riots, fear of racial tension and fear of so many other things that keep us from progressing. Amplifying our fears by attributing wrong causes to effects is not going to help with nation building. I believe that the socio-economic divide can be closed through prudent management of the economy, a world-class education system, observance of the rule of law, and nation-building policies. I ask that you use your influence to condemn corruption, nepotism and cronyism. This is the real problem that undermines Malaysia and stifles its growth. — malaysia-today.net

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified. – The Malaysian Insider

Dissecting Mahathir’s grand design — Liew Chin Tong

JAN 30 — Not many of us remembered that Barisan Nasional survived and thrived electorally for an extended period from 1991 to 2005 as a result of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s grand compromise in the form of Vision 2020.

Coercive tools and undemocratic means like security power to arrest legitimate political opponents without trial, legal and financial controls over mass media, and a distorted electoral system have helped BN to remain in power, becoming the current longest-serving elected government in the world.

The Alliance formula and the beginning of “Malay First” hegemony

BN’s predecessor the Alliance’s formula was to win half of the votes of all ethnic groups. Being the sole coalition with multi-ethnic representation at all levels, the strategy paid off well in 1959 and 1964.

But the Alliance also pursued a small-government-do-very-little approach, resulting in rising inequality. It eventually resulted in an increased support for the opposition among members of all ethnic groups, including Malays, in 1969.

Contrary to the popular belief that only Chinese supported the opposition in the 1969 election, the Malays played their part too. Dr Mahathir lost his Kota Setar Selatan seat as well as the defeats of other Umno bigwigs demonstrated that there was a substantial Malay swing against the Alliance.

Post-1969, Tun Razak’s formula strived to achieve a 70 per cent Malay electoral support for BN. Non-Malay support was considered non-essential in such a formula. All policies under the new arrangement, symbolised by the New Economic Policy, were geared towards that goal.

The “Malay first” strategy served Umno well until the 1990 general election when the Malay votes were split after the formation of Semangat 46, led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and other former senior Umno leaders.

The Semangat 46-led opposition front almost won the day when BN managed to survive through a very cunning last-three-day manipulation of Tengku Razaleigh’s photo image with a Kadazan headgear which resembled a Christian cross, suggesting to the Malay constituents that the opposition was about to sell out on Malay rights and dignities to foreign powers.

However, Malay votes for BN have not returned to the NEP-era level since then. Indeed, Malay votes for BN have further declined in every election since 1990, with the exception of the 2004 election, the first in the post-Mahathir era. (In 2004, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi won due to his promises of reforms.)

BN won the 1995 election with the all-time high of 65 per cent popular votes despite suffering a mild decline in Malay support and continued to survive the 1999 election despite more than half of the Malays voting against BN; a reaction against the sacking and subsequent jailing of Anwar Ibrahim.

How did Dr Mahathir and Barisan Nasional survive since the 1990 election?

Vision 2020 and “Bangsa Malaysia”

Barely four months after the October 1990 election, Dr Mahathir unveiled his Vision 2020 and the concept of “Bangsa Malaysia” in February 1991 which set the tone for the next 14 years until July 2005.

The strategy was to supplement the declining Malay base of Umno with newfound Chinese middle-class support by staring down the Malay right and cooling off racial temperatures. The major bones of contention among ethnic Chinese against Umno between 1970 and 1990 were the lack of economic opportunities and cultural rights.

In the early 1990s, however, the economy was growing rapidly and life was good. Instead of curbing the cultural desire of ethnic Chinese, all rights were allowed as long as the price was paid.

For instance, higher education opportunities for ordinary ethnic Chinese were extremely lacking in the 1970s and 1980s. But in the 1990s when one was willing to pay for private education, hundreds of colleges were jostling for students.

Another example is Chinese-language television broadcast time. In the 1970s and 1980s, not more than two hours of airtime were allocated for Chinese-language broadcast on television. In the 1990s, if you could pay for satellite television, endless programmes await to tame the noisy middle class.

If you do not belong to the burgeoning middle class, or could not afford to pay for your children’s private education, or to pay for satellite television, don’t blame the government. It is your problem — either you are not lucky or you don’t work hard enough. After all, BN strategists were fully aware that the poorer components of both Malay and Chinese electorates would vote for PAS and the DAP, respectively, anyway.

Imagined enemies and the short reign of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi

During the 1970s and 1980s, a month would not pass without seeing some racial fanfare being played out in the media. But in the 1990s, whenever Dr Mahathir needed a whipping boy to consolidate his standing among the Malay base, it was always a choice among the British “colonisers”, the American “oppressors”, the Jewish “conspirators”, or the “arrogant” and “uncouth” Australians.

And, if Dr Mahathir needed an ethnic Chinese-looking enemy, the “surrogate” Chinese across the Causeway were there for him to attack. Images of Umno Youth demonstrating in Johor Baru against Singapore from this side of the Tebrau Straits vividly summed up the politics of the time perfectly — that Umno did not have to change its methods, just look beyond our shores to see the “enemy”.

In 2004, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi inherited Dr Mahathir’s framework with an even more “Malaysian” or wasatiyyah (moderate) message. In his first National Day address in August 2004, Abdullah said: “Kita semua adalah sama, kita semua rakyat Malaysia. Tidak ada individu di negara ini yang diiktiraf ‘lebih Malaysia’ dari individu lain.” (We are all the same, we are all Malaysians. No individual in this country is more Malaysian than others.)

But something changed in 2005. The grand bargain ended abruptly in the last week of July of that year, something which I will discuss next week. —The Rocket

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified. – The Malaysian Insider

Politik perkauman akhiri zamannya — Abd Shukur Harun

26 JAN — Tidak syak lagi bahawa generasi baru, malah sesetengah generasi lama juga, telah dengan jelas menolak politik perkauman. Dengan itu parti politik yang berasaskan kaum, atau tebal dengan perkauman sedang menghadapi zaman gelapnya.

Dengan itu, tidak mungkin lagi politik perkauman akan terus mendominasi iklim politik di Malaysia, justru golongan yang mendukung politik perkauman semakin merosot dan terus merosot.

DAP yang sejak puluhan tahun digambarkan oleh musuh politiknya sebagai parti perkauman Cina, kini berusaha keras memulihkan imejnya sebagai parti politik untuk semua kaum di Malayia. Usahanya itu sebanyak sedikit menampakkan hasil di mana sudah ada tokoh-tokoh Melayu yang menyertainya.

Keterlibatan tokoh Melayu itu mampu menonjolkan kesungguhan DAP untuk dilihat secara praktikal sebagai parti bukan perkauman. Tokoh terkini Melayu dalam DAP yang mula mengukir nama ialah seperti Zairil Khir Johari (anak Tan Sri Khir Johari), Prof Arifin Omar, Mohd Arif Sabri seorang blogger yang terkenal dengan nama samaran Sokmongkol AK 47, bekas Presiden Kesatuan Wartawan Malaysia (NUJ), Hatta Wahari dan mungkin ramai lagi yang sudah memasang niat untuk bersama DAP.

Ramai yakin untuk memastikan Melayu dilihat ada tempat dalam DAP, mereka akan diberi kedudukan tertentu untuk ditonjolkan sebagai tokoh Melayu dalam DAP.

Kalangan yang menyertai DAP ini sudah tentu mempunyai persepsi yang sama bahawa masa depan politik Malaysia bukanlah politik perkauman. Justru mereka melihat Pakatan Rakyat — di mana terdiri dari PAS, DAP dan PKR — mempunyai potensi yang sangat baik.

Menurut Dr Mujahid Yusof Rawa Ahli Parlimen Parit Buntar, merangkap Pengerusi Perpaduan Nasional PAS dalam tulisannya di Merdeka Review baru-baru ini, bahawa usaha “mesra Melayu” oleh DAP menjadi mudah apabila ia menjadi parti yang memerintah di Pulau Pinang.

Kata beliau, DAP menzahirkan hasratnya itu melalui dasar berkebajikan kerajaan negeri di mana golongan yang paling bermanfaat dalam dasar ini ialah orang Melayu selain daripada bangsa lain.

“Pengagihan ini memperlihatkan betapa DAP bukanlah hendak meminggir orang Melayu atau mendiskriminasikan mereka di Pulau Pinang, malah penonjolan Lim Guan Eng yang lebih memahami kehendak Islam berbanding dengan Ketua-Ketua Menteri sebelum ini pada kadar tertentu, telah mencairkan chauvanisme DAP. Jadi Ketua Menteri Pulau Pinang itu sendiri adalah satu alat taktikal yang paling efektif untuk DAP menggerakkan strategi ‘mesra Melayunya’,” kata Mujahid.

Semuanya ini adalah perkembangan yang sangat menarik sedang berlaku dalam dalam politik kepartian di Malaysia. Bagi aktivis dan pemerhati politik seperti Dr Mujahid, perkembangan ini menandakan nafas-nafas akhir politik perkauman yang mencengkam politik Malaysia selama ini. Suatu masa nanti, katanya, parti politik Malaysia tidak boleh lagi dikenali dengan pola perkaumannya kerana mereka sudah membebaskan diri dari pengenalan itu.

Yang menjadi persoalan nanti, kata beliau, ialah apakah dasar yang diutarakan kepada rakyat, mana-mana parti yang lebih menarik dasarya itulah yang menjadi pilihan rakyat. Begitu juga ketokohan peribadi ahli politik sebagai ikon yang disukai ramai akan menjadi trend politik kepartian di masa depan.

Sehingga semua itu terlaksana, yang penting ialah prosesnya yang sedang bermula dengan kadar yang sungguh laju.

Pada pendapat saya, PAS sendiri, sebagai parti bukan perkauman yang memperjuangkan dan berusaha menterjemahkan kesyumulan Islam, ia mempunyai kemampuan untuk menarik perhatian lebih ramai bukan saja golongan generasi baru, bahkan juga generasi lama dari pelbagai kaum dan agama.

PAS sendiri ternyata sentiasa hidup di tengah-tengah suasna terkini seperti yang berlaku dalam PRU Ke-12 yang lalu di mana pengundi, terdiri pelbagai bangsa dan agama telah menyokongnya. Di kawasan yang banyak pengundi bukan Melayu seperti di Kota Raja, Selangor di mana calon PAS, Dr Maria Mahmod telah mencapai kemenangan besar.

Begitu juga di kawasan Kuala Selangor keadaan yang serupa berlaku di mana calon PAS, Dr Dzulkifly Ahmad juga telah berjaya.

Kawasan lain yang mempunyai ramai pengundi bukan Melayu seperti di dua Dun di Muar, di Pulau Pinang, Perak dan lain-lain, calon PAS juga menang cemerlang.

Hasil tahalluf-Siasi yang dijalin oleh PAS bersama DAP dan PKR dalam Pakatan Rakyat, menyebabkan pemngundi bukan Melayu kebanyakannya telah memberi sokongan kepada calon Pakatan, khususnya dari PAS. Ini membuktikan bahawa tasawuur Islam yang dibawa oleh PAS telah diterima oleh pelbagai pihak, khususnya bukan Islam.

Inilah manfaat paling ketara hasil jalinan hubungan PAS dengan pelbagai parti, di mana selama ini, Islam kelihatannya tinggal di masjid dan surau saja.

Saya yakin, dengan sifat Islam yang menolak perkauman, dikriminasi kaum dan seumpamanya, generasi baru, bahkan generasi lama, akan terus menerima PAS dalam PRU Ke-13 akan datang.

Saya berkongsi pandangan dengan Dr Mujahid seterusnya bahawa yang menjadi persoalan nanti, ialah apakah dasar yang akan diutarakan kepada rakyat, mana-mana parti yang lebih menarik dasarya itulah yang menjadi pilihan rakyat, bukan diukur dari sudut kaum dan sebagainya.

Oleh itu, suatu hal yang amat penting difikirkan oleh Pakatan, khususnya PAS, ialah persoalan ketokohan peribadi ahli politiknya sebagai ikon yang disukai ramai, yang akan menjadi trend politik kepartian di masa depan.

Generasi baru, boleh jadi juga generasi lama, akan melihat siapakah para tokoh yang akan dicalonkan. Kewibawaan, ilmu, keteramplilan dan latar belakang, serta rekod perkhidmatan seseorang calon akan menjadi ukuran penting kepada pengundi. Dengan itu Pakatan Rayat, khususnya PAS, mestilah menyediakan calon bermutu tinggi, yang mempunyai ciri-ciri seperti yang diebutkan.

Namun, saya percaya, PAS tidak kurang dengan tokoh berwibawa dari pelbagai lapangan, justru ia adalah gabungan antara ulama dan professional, yang menjadi harta kekal PAS sendiri.

Mengukur dari trend politik yang ada sekarang, PRU Ke-13 nanti sangat critical sifatnya. Ini kerana pengundi tradisional yang selama ini terbiasa dengan memilih berdasarkan kaum dan suku sakat mereka akan mengakhiri zamannya.

Inilah sebuah perubahan yang akan dihadapi oleh semua parti politik.

Dengan itu, hanya parti politik yang bukan perkauman, diyakini mampu membela rakyat, mampu membawa keadilan dan demokrasi akan menjadi pilihan rakyat. — harakahdaily.net

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified. – The Malaysian Insider